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Replies: 14 Last Post: Trackmania 2 canyon pc multiplayer crack indir. Replies: 19 Last Post: Bookmarks Bookmarks Digg del. The United States, hoping to coerce Arab states into its diplomacy with Tel Aviv and Israel covertly lent support to the rightwing militias, in turn emboldening them against any amicable resolution. While Syria, in particular, sought to preserve its primacy in the Lebanese political system. The Palestinians reached a breaking point and dropped their non-interference in Lebanese politics.
Syria was the first foreign state to directly intervene and in an unexpected direction. Hafez Assad had originally backed the Palestinians, but seeing Arafat as too amenable to his rival Anwar Sadat, judged that the best way to prevent Israeli clients like Gemayel from taking over the rightwing camp was to support the Maronite old guard. Thus when he ordered his army into Lebanon, it was against the Palestinians.
The Syrian army thus helped right-wing militias besiege Palestinian camps such as Tal Zaatar, whose conquest in was achieved with promises of amnesty that instead turned into widespread slaughter against Palestinians. The Syrian army would stay in Lebanon for nearly thirty years, its overriding role to produce a balance of clientele favourable to its supremacy.
By the end of the s, the Lebanese state had functionally ceased to exist, supplanted instead by a number of militias across the spectrum. It is important to note that while the Palestinian issue was often cited as the trigger behind these militias, it was the tacit support given by the Lebanese establishment, particularly the army, to rightwing militias that hastened the breakdown of the state.
The Lebanese state had practically committed suicide. By , the Palestinian camp — and in particular Fatah, who were trying to salvage something from the wreckage of the s — had resumed operations from southern Lebanon against both Israel and its client southern Maronite militia. Fatah continued to face significant opposition from other Palestinian actors, such as the freewheeling mercenary Sabri Banna, whose assassination of an Israeli diplomat in triggered a massive Israeli invasion long in the works.
Though they faced unexpected resistance, the Israeli army surged north and laid a summer-long siege on Beirut. Though the culprits were Lebanese, it was the Palestinian scapegoat that paid the price.
This climate had been fuelled and whipped up in turn by neighbouring regimes, including both Syria and Israel — whose respective invasions in and both featured the Lebanese rightwing slaughtering Palestinian camps — as well as the crumbling Lebanese establishment whose appeals to nationalism could not mask their eagerness to ally with these foreign interventions.
As it happened, the culling of the Palestinians did not end foreign intervention in Lebanon, whose plight as a plaything of foreign powers has only intensified. Israel and Syria would only fully vacate the country in and respectively, by which point Iran, Saudi Arabia and other countries had also stepped in to install their clients, with corrupt patronage networks abounding around a fragile state.
There was no real accountability for war crimes. Nor were the Palestinians finished. By , separate networks of Palestinians had returned to various parts of the country, often with Lebanese Muslim support, though their role has since been firmly secondary to that of Lebanese militias. For Palestinians in Lebanon, little has improved, most still live in squalid refugee camps. Just like the influx of Syrian refugees post , they have been seen as a security risk and a potentially dangerous boost for Lebanese Sunnis, the only confessional group whose militias have regularly been targeted by the Lebanese government.
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October 3, October 3, Comments 0.